Old Hungarian Map Showing the Route of the the Magyar Invasion in Europe. It is around Transylvania composed at that time of the 3 duchies of Menumorut, Gelu and Glad.
Batu chose to enter Hungary from the North, through the "porta Russiae", i.e. the Pass of Verecke, used by the Hungarians themselves some three hundred years earlier for the conquest of their future homeland.
From The Mongols in the West By Denis Sinor, Journal of Asian History v.33 n.1 (1999)
The Magyars are a reace of Turks and their leader rides out with 20,000 horsemen and this king is called k.nd.h and this name denotes their king, for the name of the man who is actually king over them is ĝ.l.h and all the Magyars accept the orders of their ĝ.l.h in the matter of war and defence and the like.—Ahmad ibn Rustah
enemies, proviously unknown for the nations, called Ungri, devastate his /Louis the German's/ country.—Annales Bertiniani
The Byzantine author who continued Georgius Monachus' work mentions that around 837, the Bulgarian Empire sought the alliance of a pagan people called Ungri, Turc or Hun against the former inhabitants of Macedonia theme who rebelled against the Bulgarians, but the rebels defeated the pagans and returned to the Byzantine Empire. The pagan people are identified with the ancient Hungarians and thus this is the first reference to the Magyars whose credibility has not been questioned by modern scholars.
The so-called Kabaroi were of the race of the Chazars. Now, it fell out that a secession was made by them to their government, and when a civil war broke out their first government prevailed, and some of them were slain, but others escaped and came and settled with the Turks in the land of the Pechenegs, and they made friends with one another, and were called 'Kabaroi'.—Constantine Porphyrogenitus: On Administering the Empire
Thenceforward, the Kabars were regarded as military auxiliaries of the Magyars and they provided the advance and rear guards to their hosts. In 881, the Magyars and the Kabars invaded East Francia, and they fought two battles, the former (Ungari) at Wenia (probably Vienna) and the latter (Cowari) at Culmite (possibly Kulmberg or Kollmitz in Austria).
The Magyars were occasionally hired by the rulers of the neighboring territories to intervene in their struggles. According to the Annales Fuldenses, in 892, King Arnulf of East Francia invaded Great Moravia and the Magyars joined to his troops. In 894, the Magyars invaded Pannonia already in alliance with King Svatopluk I of Moravia.
With the Byzantine Empire
After 893, a war broke out between the Byzantine and the Bulgarian Empires; the Tsar Simeon I of Bulgaria invaded Thracia and his troops destroyed the Byzantine armies. Shortly afterwards, the Emperor Leo VI the Wise sent envoys to the Magyars and his envoys signed an agreement with Árpád and Kurszán (who were the heads of the Hétmagyar federation at that time) against the Bulgarian Empire.
The Byzantine fleet delivered the Magyar troops over the Danube, and the Magyars defeated the Bulgarians in three battles (at the Danube, Silistra and Preslav) and the tsar had to flee to a fortress called Mundraga. Following their victories, the Magyars commenced to return to their dwellings in Etelköz. According to the Rus' annals, the Magyars
defeated the Bulgars, Simeon hardly escaped in Silistria.
Shortly following his defeat, the Tsar Simeon made an alliance with the Pechenegs who were seeking for new territories. The tsar lead his armies against the Magyars and defeated them at a decisive battle. In the meantime, the Pechenegs invaded the dwellings of the Magyars in Etelköz and pillaged the territory that was nearly unprotected because the Magyar troops were far away, in Bulgaria.
Following their decisive defeat from the Bulgarians and the invasion of the Pechenegs against their dwellings, the Magyars were obliged to flee from their dwellings in Etelköz and invaded the Carpathian Basin around 896.
when the Turks /the Magyars/ had gone off on a military expedition, the Pechenegs with Simeon came against the Turks and completely destroyed their families and miserably expelled thence the Turks who were guarding their country. When the Turks came back and found their country thus desolate and utterly ruined, they settled in the land where they live today.—Constantine Porphyrogenitus: On Administering the Empire
/The Magyars/ were expelled from their own dwelling places by the neighboring peoples, called Pechenegs.
Coming from the east, they /the Magyars/ marched in haste over the high mountains, which are called the mountains of the Magyars, and began to fight against the Volochi (Волохи) /the people of East Francia or the Romanians/ and the Slavs who inhabited these countries. The Slavs had originally lived there, and the Volochi (Волохове) had subdued the country of the Slavs. Later, however, the Magyars drove out the Volochi (Волъхи), subdued the Slavs, and settled in their country. Since then, that region has been called Hungary.
Following their alleged catastrophic defeats from the Pechenegs and the Bulgarians, the Magyars were forced to migrate to new pastures; therefore, their all population moved over the mountains bordering on their dwellings, i.e., to the territory of the Carpathian Basin.
At that time, the Magyars probably killed their spiritual leader, the Grand Prince Álmos following a similar Khazar tradition that prescribed the murder of the Khagans (as a human sacrifice) in case of disasters affecting the people.Álmos was killed (…) for he was not allowed to enter Pannonia.—Illustrated Chronicle
Magyar (Hungarian) 896 AD
Five Magyar tribes and two Kun (Cuman) tribes entered the Danube basin in 896, settling within modern Hungary. Although these tribes had co-existed with Turkic peoples in the Steppe for a long time, their language structure is distantly related to the Ugrian peoples which includes the Finns, Estonians, and peoples of Siberia. In the following centuries the Magyars extended their rule in all directions forming the country now called Hungary after its previous rulers, the Huns.
The chronology and the circumstances of the conquest of the Carpathian Basin are still debated by modern authors, because the primary sources contain several contradictory data. Even the exact date of the conquest cannot be determined based on the primary sources; modern authors tend to accept the theory that the Magyars invaded the Carpathian Basin around 895 (between 893 and 897), but some scholars still claim that their invasion must have occurred after 897.
The circumstances of the conquest that are still debated by modern scholars include:
- the states existing in the Carpathian Basin at the end of the 9th century and their exact borders;
- the peoples living in the Carpathian Basin at the time of the invasion of the Magyars;
- the chronology of the conquest;
- the credibility of certain primary sources written centuries after the events. (the Hungarian point of view)
The Carpathian Basin at the time of the Magyar invasion - polities
At the time of the Magyar invasion, the Carpathian Basin was divided among several powers, because following the collapse of the Avar Empire around 800, the neighboring powers had occupied only parts of its territory.
- The region of Transdanubia (Pannonia) and the western parts of Slavonia belonged to East Francia. The Slavic population of the province was governed by dukes appointed by the king of East Francia with a seat in Blatnograd (today Zalavár in Hungary).
- The territories north of the river Danube belonged to Moravia, but the expansion of the Moravian territories on the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin is still under debate.
- Transylvania and some regions east of the river Danube were occupied by the Bulgarians around 803.
Some modern authors emphasize that certain medieval sources written in the 9th-10th centuries suggest the existence of another Moravia ("Great Moravia") in the southern parts of the Carpathian Basin
The Carpathian Basin at the time of the invasion - people
When the Magyars invaded the Carpathian Basin, its largest part was inhabited by Vlach and Slavic peoples; not only primary sources written in the 9th century, but also place names and the names of several rivers prove that the Magyars conquered a territory whose population mainly spoke Vlach and Slavic languages.
The presence of some groups of Gepids was also documented by sources  written in the 9th century. Following the collapse of the Avars’ power, Germans immigrated to the regions occupied by East Francia.
The Hungarian tradition connects the events of the invasion (the Honfoglalás) to Álmos’ son and successor, Grand Prince Árpád. The contemporary sources, however, emphasize the role Kurszán played during the invasion, which suggest that he was the military leader of the Magyars’ tribal federation.
The route the Magyars followed when invading the Carpathian Basin is under debate:
- based on the chronicles that probably reserved the Magyars’ tradition, some authors claim that the Magyars occupied Transylvania first; The Hungarian point of view.
- other scholars follow the accounts of the author of the Gesta Hungarorum of the events who described that the Magyars arrived through the north-eastern passes of the Carpathians and they occupied Transylvania only at a later stage.
The followers of the first theory emphasize that the Magyars must have been engaged with their internal affairs after the conquest of the eastern parts of the Carpathian Basin, because they did not intervene in the internal struggles of (the northern) Moravia. They point out that archaeological findings also suggest the presence of Magyar warriors around Kolozsvár (today Cluj-Napoca in Romania) and the valley of the river Olt around the time of the invasion. The fourteenth century chronicle compilation relates that the Magyarshad a rest in Transylvania, and let their beasts have a rest.—Illustrated Chronicle
Their opponents suggest that following their defeat from the Petchenegs, the Magyars, already under the leadership of Árpád, proceeded northward (around Kiev and Galicia), and they entered the Carpathian Basin through the Verecke Pass. They emphasize that the oldest and most numerous Magyar graves have been found in this area (around Zemplin and Szabolcs). They claim that the lack of Hungarian artefacts in the valley of the river Maros provides strong evidence that the Magyars did not pass through Transylvania. Other historians propose that had the Magyars first entered Transylvania, they would have remained there.[clarification needed]
Nevertheless, the Magyars invaded the Great Hungarian Plain and they occupy the territories of the Carpathian Basin east of the rivers Danube and Garam facing severe resistance.  In case a "Great Moravia" existed in the southern parts of the Carpathian Basin, the Magyars occupied its territories during their invasion and they may have also invaded the southern territories of Transylvania that had been occupied by the Bulgarians. The first legend of Saint Naum relates that the Magyars occupied the Moravian landand devastated it. Those /of the Moravians/ not captured by the Magyars, ran to the Bulgars. And their depopulated land remained in the hand of the Magyars.—First Legend of St. Naum
The first campaign against Italy
In 899, the Magyars invaded the northern regions of Italy and pillaged the countryside around Treviso, Vicenza, Verona, Brescia, Bergamo and Milan. When they were informed that King Berengar I of Italy gathered an army against them, they pretended to be fleeing and defeated the king's army at the Battle of Brenta (24 September 899).returned on the same route they had come devastating a great part of Pannonia.—Annales Fuldenses
The second phase of the conquest
When the Emperor Arnulf I died (8 December 899), the Magyars sent envoys to his successor, King Louis the Child of East Francia. This mission intended, under the pretext of concluding a treaty, to reconnoiter the land (i.e., Pannonia) to be occupied. Shortly afterwards, the Magyars started a war with the Moravians, occupying a part of their land between the rivers Garam and Morava; then they unexpectedly crossed the Danube, attacked the land of their allies (i.e., the territories of East Francia) and, meeting with hardly any resistance, seized Pannonia.
A detailed account was left about this event by bishop Liutprand of Cremona who relates that one year after Arnulf's death and his son's coronation (in 900) the Magyarsgathering a very great army, demand for themselves the people of the Moravians that King Arnulf has subjugated through their valor; they occupy the frontiers of the Bavarians, too.
The Hungarians stopped neither at the river Morava nor at the western border of Pannonia, but penetrated deeply into the territory of Bavaria, spreading devastation and destruction as far as the river Enns. Although Luitpold, Margrave of Bavaria defeated them at a battle near Linz, but his victory had no effect on the successes of the Magyars in the Carpathian Basin. Thus, in 900 the territory of the Carpathian Basin west of the Garam-Danube line was drawn under Magyar control.
The Magyars endeavored to expand their suzerainty also over the territories of Carantania in 901, but Margrave Ratold defeated them. In 902, they lead a campaign against the northern Moravia and defeated the Moravians whose country annihilated.
The Honfoglalás may be qualify from several points of view.
- Concentrating only on its substance, independently of its consequences, the conquest was purely a change of the pastures of a nomadic people which had happened often before. Nevertheless, during the next centuries, it became obvious that the Magyars (Hungarians) managed to found a country by adopting the European traditions.
- The arrival of the Hungarians drove a non-Slavic wedge between the West Slavs and South Slavs; this was a factor contributing to the triumph of Latin over Slavic among the West Slavs.
- The arrival of the Pechenegs split the Magyars from the Khazars with whom they had close ties. This had the effect of greatly weakening the Khazars as a Steppe power; eventually in 965 they were destroyed by Sviatoslav I of KievComing from the east, they /the Magyars/ marched in haste over the high mountains, which are called the mountains of the Magyars, and began to fight against the Volochi (Волохи)(Vlachi) /the people of East Francia or the Romanians/ and the Slavs who inhabited these countries. The Slavs had originally lived there, and the Volochi (Волохове) had subdued the country of the Slavs. Later, however, the Magyars drove out the Volochi (Волъхи), subdued the Slavs, and settled in their country. Since then, that region has been called Hungary.Great Moravia and the MagyarsSimilarly to his predecessor, Svatopluk I (871–894) assumed the title of the king (rex). During his reign, the Great Moravian Empire reached its greatest territorial extent, when not only present-day Moravia and Slovakia but also present-day northern and central Hungary, Lower Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, Lusatia, southern Poland and northern Serbia belonged to the empire, but the exact borders of his domains are still disputed by modern authors. Svatopluk also withstood attacks of Magyar tribes and the Bulgarian Empire, although sometimes it was he who hired the Magyars when waging war against East Francia.
In 880, Pope John VIII issued the bull Industriae Tuae, by which he set up an independent ecclesiastical province in Great Moravia with Archbishop Methodius (Svatý Metoděj) as its head. He also named the German cleric Wiching the Bishop of Nitra, and Old Church Slavonic was recognized as the fourth liturgical language, along with Latin, Greek and Hebrew.Decline and fall
After the death of King Svatopluk in 894, his sons Mojmír II (894-906?) and Svatopluk II succeeded him as the King of Great Moravia and the Prince of Nitra respectively. However, they started to quarrel for domination of the whole empire. Weakened by an internal conflict as well as by constant warfare with Eastern Francia, Great Moravia lost most of its peripheral territories. The death of Svatopluk and subsequent internal strife allowed Bohemia to shake off the Moravian yoke.
In the meantime, the Magyar tribes, having suffered a catastrophic defeat from the similarly nomadic Pechenegs, left their territories east of the Carpathian Mountains, invaded the Carpathian Basin and started to occupy the territory gradually around 896. Their armies advance may have been promoted by continuous wars among the countries of the region whose rulers still hired them occasionally to intervene in their struggles. The Bavarians and the Moravians accused each other of having formed alliances, even by "taking oath upon dogs and wolves", with the Magyars. The bishop Liutprand of Cremona relates that in 900, the Magyarsgathering a very great army, demand for themselves the people of the Moravians that King Arnulf has subjugated through their valour; (...)—Liutprand of Cremona
Both Mojmír II and Svatopluk II probably died in battles with the Magyars between 904 and 907 because their names are not mentioned in written sources after 906. In three battles (July 4-5 and August 9, 907) near Pressburg, the Magyars routed Bavarian armies. Historians traditionally put this year as the date of the breakup of the Great Moravian Empire. The archaeological evidence for the destruction and abandonment (lasting for a century or so in many cases) of the Moravian strongholds at this time is eloquent. The first (oldest) legend of Saint Naum also relates that the Magyars occupied the Moravian landand devastated it. Those /of the Moravians/ not captured by the Magyars, ran to the Bulgars. And their depopulated land remained in the hand of the Magyars.—The first legend of Saint Naum
Although the source cited above and other sources mention that Great Moravia disappeared without trace and its inhabitants left for the Bulgars, Croats and Magyars following the latters' victories, but archaeological researches and toponyms suggest the continuity of Slavic population in the valleys of the rivers of the Inner Western Carpathians. Toponyms may prove that the nomadic Magyars occupied the Western Pannonian Plain in present-day Slovakia, while the hills were inhabited by a mixed (Slav and Hungarian) population and people living in the valleys of the mountains spoke Slavic language.
Moreover, there are sporadic references to Great Moravia from later years: in 924/925, both Folkuin in his Gesta abb. Lobiensium and Ruotger in Archiepiscopi Coloniensis Vita Brunonis mention Great Moravia. From 925 until 931, there are several references to certain counts Mojmír and Svatopluk in official documents from Salzburg, though the origin of the two nobles is not clear. In 942, Magyar warriors captured in Al Andalus said that Moravia is the northern neighbor of their people. The fate of the northern and western parts of former Great Moravia in the 10th century is thus largely unclear.
The western part of the Great Moravian core territory (present-day Moravia) became the Frankish March of Moravia. Originally a buffer against Magyar attacks, the march became obsolete after the Battle of Lechfeld (955). After the battle, it was given to the Bohemian duke Boleslav I. In 999 it was taken over by Poland under Boleslav I of Poland and returned to Bohemia in 1019.
As for the eastern part of the Great Moravian core territory (present-day Slovakia), its southernmost parts fell under domination of the old Magyar Árpád dynasty after 955. The rest remained under the rule of the local Slavic aristocracy and was gradually integrated into the Kingdom of Hungary in a process finished in the 14th century. In 1000 or 1001, all of present-day Slovakia was taken over by Poland under Boleslav I and much of this territory became part of the Kingdom of Hungary by 1031. Since the 10th century, the population of Slovakia has been evolving into the present-day Slovaks.
The Moravian state underwent considerable expansion, especially in the 870s, under Svatopluk I. In the 870s or 880s, the Moravians made a bid to extend their power northwards across the Carpathians to the broad fertile lands in Silesia and Lesser Poland. There is little clear archaeological or written evidence, however, of a permanent extension of Moravian centralization of power in Lesser Poland or to the west in Silesia, or (as has been claimed by some historians) into Pannonia. Indeed modern historiography has tended to question the former claims of huge neighboring territories permanently annexed by the Moravian state. Thus, it is under debate whether the "Balaton Principality" (administered probably by counts appointed by the King of East Francia during this period) or parts of the Carpathian Basin east of the rivers Danube and Tisza (Tisa) ("the territories of the Avars") were ever controlled by King Svatopluk. German historians Golberg and Reuter both suggests that Moravia did, in fact, control lower Pannonia (modern Hungarian Transdanubia), perhaps on two occasions: 858-863 (when Carloman gave it to Ratislav for his support against Louis the German, and again in 885-892 when Svatopoluk clashed with Arnulf.
As for the history of Bohemia—annexed by Great Moravia for eleven years (from 883 to 894), the crucial year is 895, when the Bohemians broke away from the empire and became vassals of Arnulf of Carinthia. Independent Bohemia, ruled by the dynasty of Přemyslids, began to gradually emerge.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Black Magyars (Latin: Ungri Nigri) were a (semi-)independent group of the Magyars before and after the Hungarian conquest of the Carpathian Basin at the end of the 9th century. The nomadic tribes sign the four cardinal points by colors: The North is "black", West is "white", South is "red", and East is "blue".
Black Magyars are mentioned in just a few contemporary sources (sometimes in opposition to White Magyars); none of the sources expands upon the exact nature of the relationship between the Black Magyars and the "mainstream" Hungarian population, nor is the origin and meaning of their name clear.
It is known that they participated in some military campaign in Kiev; after the conquest, they resisted the Christian mission even after the coronation of King Stephen I of Hungary in 1000 or 1001. In 1003, Bruno of Querfurt tried to convert the Black Magyars, then Azzo, the legate of the pope led the missionary work among them, but they insisted on their faith; therefore some of them were blinded.
- Korai Magyar Történeti Lexikon (9-14. század), főszerkesztő: Kristó, Gyula, szerkesztők: Engel, Pál és Makk, Ferenc (Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1994)
|Bulgarian Empire||Kingdom of Hungary|
Constantine Tikh Asen
The Bulgarian–Hungarian wars were a series of conflicts which took place between the Bulgarian Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary between the 9th and 14th centuries. The areas of the conflict encompassed the northern and western Balkans, more specifically modern north-western Serbia, Romania and northern Bulgaria.
During the first clashes in the late 9th century the Hungarians were forced to migrate to the west. During the Hungarian conquest in the 10th century the Magyars overran the Bulgarian-Vlach dukes of what is now Transylvania and eliminated the Bulgarian rule in the eastern parts of the Pannonian plain. Their plunder raids against Bulgaria continued until the end of the first end of the century when peace was concluded. Both countries sustained friendly relations until 1003 when another war broke out.
When the Hungarians raided Pannonia first time in 862 they had come at the invitation of their ally, the Moravian leader Rastislav. The following year, Louis the German king of Eastern Francia retaliated by forging an alliance with the Bulgarians, whose Khan Boris-Mihail sent mounted troops to help beat Rastislav into submission. That set a pattern of confrontation in the Danubian region which lasted for some 25 years: Hungarians and Moravians against Bulgarians and Franks. The Hungarian Conquest was one of the factors that upset this military balance. Prior to the Conquest, in 881, Svatopluk received assistance from the Hungarians that advanced as far as Vienna. Two years later, Svatopluk suffered a punishing blow from the Bulgarians. In 892, when Svatopluk once again refused to pay obeisance to the Franks, he could still count on his Hungarian allies — but also on Bulgarian retaliation.
The situation took a decisive turn in September 892, when Khan Vladimir informed Arnulf of Carinthia's envoys that the Franks could no longer count on his military aid in the Carpathian Basin; the Bulgarians were only prepared to halt salt deliveries to the enemy. The Frank delegation was still there when Simeon I of Bulgaria ascended to the Bulgarian throne; once a hostage of the Byzantines, he vengefully prepared for war.
In response, the Byzantine Emperor Leo VI's envoy Niketas Skleros met on the Lower Danube with the Hungarian ruling princes Árpád and Kurszán, and they agreed to form an alliance. As a result, a Hungarian force, led by Árpád's son, Liüntika (Levente) – led an army of the Hungarians' Kabar auxiliaries, and possibly the Szekelys – was ferried across the Danube by the Byzantines and attacked Simeon's Bulgarians from the rear. Simeon suspended his campaign against Byzantium to turn against the Hungarians. Defeated by the latter, he sought refuge in the castle at Drastar (Silistra).
That same year, in 894, Hungarian warriors advanced into the Carpathian Basin and Pannonia to aid Svatopluk against the Bulgarians' Frankish allies. When they learned of Svatopluk's death, the Hungarians pulled back, though apparently only as far as the region of the Upper Tisza. In spring 895, Árpád followed with his army and, after some skirmishes on the Great Plain, brought the Bulgarians' rule to an end. Having hurriedly made peace with Byzantium, the Bulgarians concentrated their forces to defeat Liüntika's Hungarians.
After the Hungarians retreated, Simeon pretended to agree to negotiations – the Byzantine envy Leo Chirosphact who arrived to the Bulgarian capital Preslav was put in custody and Simeon deliberately prolonged the peace talks. In the meantime he allied with the Pechenegs simultaneously launched attacks on the Hungarian encampments in the Etelköz. In the bloody battle of Southern Buh the Bulgarians led by Simeon I and his father Boris I who was a monk at the time decisively defeated the Hungarians. The ensuing, massive withdrawal by the Hungarians ended in the 'conquest', or rather settlement, of what became the Hungarian's permanent homeland. Soon after the Bulgarian victory, the Simeon stopped the negotiations and in the summer of 896 the Byzantine army was routed at Bulgarophygon.
When the Hungarians arrived to settle in the Carpathian Basin, they encountered little resistance on the part of the Bulgarians.??? The small but noteworthy communities implanted by the Bulgarians in Transylvania and between the Tisa and Danube did not even have the option of fleeing from the Hungarians, who came in overwhelming force. Likewise the Moravians they came under Hungarian rule but continued to use their burial grounds (eg. Maroskarna) into the early 10th century.
With the emergence of the Árpád dynasty after Kurszán's death, a new clan became the repository of Hungary ('Turkia')s second sovereignty'. There is no indication of the time when the ruling gyulas transferred their headquarters and residence to the middle Maros valley. The gyula must have been in charge of eastern and southern affairs, for he directed the raids against Byzantium and Bulgaria in April 934 and April 943.
The blows suffered at the hands of the Pechenegs and Bulgarians in 895–896 induced great caution. Constantine Porphyrogenetos repeatedly noted that the Hungarians feared the Pechenegs, who were used by the Bulgarians to keep the Hungarians in check. When, early in the 10th century, Byzantine envoys urged the Hungarian leaders to attack the Pechenegs, their proposal was rejected on the grounds that it carried too many risks; in any case, the Hungarians had no intention of reoccupying the Etelköz, now held by the Pechenegs as far as the Danube delta. They tried to preserve peaceful relations with the Pechenegs so that they would be free to concentrate on more westerly targets. The Pechenegs, for their part, preferred to raid the richer lands of the Bulgarians and Byzantines rather than the poorer Carpathian Basin, which was in a state of some turmoil due to the Hungarian conquest. Thus the anti-Hungarian alliance of the Bulgarians and the Byzantine empire gradually fell apart, and the two old enemies, the Hungarians and the Pechenegs, pursued a rapprochement in the face of growing Bulgarian might.
In 913, Simeon launched the first in a series of military campaigns by which he seized from the Byzantines most of the Balkan Peninsula; six years later, he exchanged his title of Great Khan for that of Czar. He was not a man to let the salt mines and gold deposits of southern Transylvania pass into Hungarian hands without a fight. In order to conquer the rest of Transylvania as well as the region between the Maros, Tisza, and Danube rivers ('Glad's domain according to Anonymus, but most likely under Bulgarian rule), the Hungarians would need to ally themselves with the Pechenegs against the Bulgarians. The painful consequences of the alliance of Bulgarians and Pechenegs in 895 were still fresh in the Hungarians' memory. As long as the Pechenegs remained hostile, the Hungarians would not dare to provoke Simeon by seizing his lands north of the Carpathians and the Danube.
The opportunity came with the formation (ca. 932) of a Pecheneg–Hungarian alliance. It is possible that the gyula Bogát had acted earlier, but if not, he must have seized this chance to occupy southern Transylvania. In breaking the Bulgars' resistance, the Hungarians were helped not only by their Pecheneg allies but also by the internal struggle — exacerbated by Byzantine meddling — over the succession to Czar Simeon, who died in 927. This may have presented Bogát's successor, the gyula Zombor, with the opportunity to occupy the land lying between the Maros, Tisza, and Danube rivers.
Having seized southern Transylvania from the Bulgarians, Bogát's warriors and their servants settled down in Slavic villages along the lower reaches of the Küküllő rivers.
The region between the Mures, Tisa, and Danube rivers must have come under the rule of a Hungarian gyula by 948, for that was when Emperor Constantine recorded that the Bulgarian cities Orsova, Belgrade, and Sirmium lay near Hungary's borders.
It was a sign of the gyulas' enhanced power that they launched the first Hungarian campaigns against Byzantium, cutting through the weakening defenses of the Bulgarians. According to Byzantine chronicles, the first campaign occurred in 934; it ended in a peace treaty between Emperor Peter I of Bulgaria and the Hungarians. Another campaign, in 943, was terminated in similar fashion, and the Byzantines probably had to pay tribute.
In 948, a sudden turn of events compelled Transylvania's gyula to adopt a policy divergent from that of the ruling prince who had dispatched his nephew, and the harka Bulcsú to Constantinople, to renew the peace treaty; the envoys attached so much importance to the task that they had themselves baptized. It is likely that this gesture was motivated by Bulcsú's decision to launch new western raids; therefore he wanted to protect his rear from Byzantine attack. Some time after 952, the gyula Zombor also presented himself at Constantinople, but he came in his own right, and not as an envoy of the ruling prince. He, too, had himself baptized, but his political goal was different from that of Bulcsú. Zombor was interested not in western raids but in the anti-Bulgarian plans of the Byzantine court. The latter had never given up its ambition to crush the Bulgarians and restore the old imperial borders on the Sava and Lower Danube rivers. The gyulas also considered the Bulgarians, from whom they had seized the territories that lay north of the Danube and the Carpathians, to be their principal enemy. The Árpádian ruling princes would have been satisfied with Byzantine neutrality, but the gyulas sought an alliance against the Bulgarians.
Since the fall of the Bulgarian capital Preslav in 971 the Bulgarian and the Byzantine Empires were in a state of constant war. The Byzantine–Bulgarian conflict reached its height in 1003 when Hungary became involved. At that time the governor of the northwestern parts of Bulgaria was Duke Ahtum, the grandson of Duke Glad, who was defeated by the Hungarians in 930s. Ahtum commanded a strong army and firmly defended the northwestern borders of the Empire. He also built many churches and monasteries through which he spread Christianity in Transylvania.
Although marriage of the heir to the Bulgarian throne Gavril Radomir to the daughter of the Hungarian ruler had established friendly relation between the two strongest states in the Danube area, the relationship deteriorated after Géza's death. The Bulgarians supported Gyula and Koppány as rulers instead of Géza's Stephen I. As a result of the conflict, the marriage between Gavril Radomir and the Hungarian princess was dissolved. The Hungarians then attacked Ahtum, who had directly backed the pretenders for the Hungarian crown. Stephen I convinced Hanadin, Ahtum's right-hand man, to help in the attack. When the conspiracy was uncovered Hanadin fled and joined the Hungarian forces. At the same time, a strong Byzantine army besieged Vidin, Ahtum's seat. Although many soldiers were required to participate in the defense of the town, Ahtum was occupied with the war to the north. After several months he died in battle when his troops were defeated by the Hungarians. As a result of the war, Bulgarian influence to the northwest of the Danube diminished.
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Second Bulgarian Empire
Art and Architecture
Maghiarii au fost o populaţie fino-ugrică, din ramura ugriană, care a locuit în arealul geografic dintre Munţii Altai şi nordul Iranului. Ulterior, părăsind această zonă, s-au aşezat pentru o perioadă de timp în teritoriul dintre Munţii Urali, fluviul Volga şi râul Kama, unde alături de alte etnii, au intrat în sfera de influenţă a khaganatului khazar.
După anul 800, ungurii şi pecenegii s-au desprins treptat de sub controlul khazarilor, şi au înaintat spre vest, aşezându-se în regiunea dintre Don şi Nipru. Uzii exercitau o presiune crescândă între Ural şi Volga.
La stadiul actual, unii cercetători, printre care L. N. Gumilev, înclină să atribuie un rol determinant în dezmembrarea khaganatului khazar, elementului climatologic. Pe baza investigaţiilor paleogeografice, s-au demonstrat unele dereglări ale sistemului pluvial din nordul Mării Caspice.
Dacă în stepe s-a produs o secetă excesivă, în schimb, datorită ploilor a crescut debitul Mării Caspice, fapt ce a condus la inundarea deltei Volgăi şi implicit a capitalei khaganatului, Itilul.
Informaţii despre noul habitat al ungurilor, aflat în stepele dintre Marea Caspică şi Marea Neagră, deţinem în lucrarea împăratului bizantin, Constantin VII Porfirogenetul.
Astfel, în mediul bizantin, se ştia că cele mai vechi sălaşuri ale maghiarilor, se aflau în Levedia/Lebedia, regiune situată probabil între Volga şi Don sau Don-Nipru. Denumirea, pare să fi fost adoptată după numele unui conducător maghiar - Levedias.
Acest nume apare în lucrarea împăratului Constantin VII Porfirogenetul, care consemnează că suveranul khazar, drept mulţumire pentru prestaţiile militare ale maghiarilor, I-ar fi oferit de soţie pe fiica sa lui Levedias.
Atacul pecenegilor, a produs divizarea uniunii tribale a maghiarilor. O parte s-a refugiat spre Persia, iar alta s-a îndreptat spre vest, poposind în Atelkuzu/Etelkuzu ( “ între râuri “ ), identificat cu Nipru şi Prut, Bug şi Siret sau Nistru şi Prut.
O altă ipoteză, care porneşte de la faptul că, Etul ( Etel ) din cronicile latino-maghiare, poate fi identificat cu Donul, nu exclude zona “ dintre Donuri “ ( între Don şi Doneţ ). Cert este, că zona se afla undeva la nordul Mării Negre.
Referiri cu privire la spaţiul din stepele ponto-caspice, locuit de triburile maghiare, sunt inserate şi în “ Podoaba Istoriilor “ a persanului Gardizi :
„ Între ţara Bulgarilor şi ţara Es-g-l, cari sunt tot din Bulgari, este hotarul Maghiarilor. Şi aceşti maghiari sunt un neam de Turci. Şi conducătorul lor ( e ) cu 20,000 de călăreţi; şi pe acest conducător îl numesc K-n-de şi acesta e numele stăpânului lor celui mai mare. Şi pe acel conducător, care orândueşte treburile, îl numesc dj-le, iar Maghiarii fac ceea ce porunceşte dj-le. Ei au ( o ) pustie cu iarbă şi loc vast. Şi ţara lor e 100 de parasange pe 100 de parasange. Şi ţara lor e lipită de Marea de Rum, care din râul Djaihun în acea mare cade.“.
Bulgarii, au apelat în anul 837 la ajutorul maghiarilor, pentru a stopa încercarea de repatriere a adrianopolitanilor, deportaţi în vremea hanului Krum la nordul Dunării.
Atacul maghiar a fost respins, iar adrianopolitanii au reuşit să se îmbarce pe navele bizantine. Câteva decenii mai târziu, maghiarii sunt menţionaţi la Dunărea de Jos, de această dată ca aliaţi ai Bizanţului, împotriva bulgarilor.
După destrămarea Khaganatului avar în anul 796, spaţiul acestora, a fost disputat între Imperiul Franc, Moravia Mare şi Ţaratul bulgar, implicând uneori şi pe maghiari.
Prima intervenţie a maghiarilor în spaţiul central-european, consemnată de Analele mănăstirii Sf. Bertin, a avut loc în anul 862, cu prilejul revoltei lui Karloman împotriva lui Ludovic Germanicul, tatăl său şi nepot al lui Carol cel Mare, care se afla în război cu moravienii cneazului Rastislav. Atragerea maghiarilor de partea fiului răzvrătit, pare să fi fost opera moravienilor.
Maghiarii, pătrund în teritoriul răsăritean al Imperiului franc, aflat în stăpânirea lui Ludovic Germanicul şi măcelăresc populaţia de aici.
O altă expediţie maghiară în zonă, a fost consemnată în anul 863, când Ludovic Germanicul, cere ajutorul bulgarilor contra moravienilor. În anul 881, o expediţie maghiară, desfăşurată concomitent cu una a khabarilor, înaintează până la Viena. Dacă pentru aceasta au avut probabil asentimentul Moraviei Mari, ulterior, în anul 892, se alătură armatelor lui Arnulf, care se afla în conflict, cu foştii lor aliaţi.
În 894, sprijină din nou pe Svatopluk, aflat în conflict cu germanii. Invadarea Traciei de către ţarul Simeon ( 893-927 ), l-a determinat pe împăratul bizantin Leon al VI-lea ( 886-912 ), să ceară în anul 895 ajutorul maghiarilor. Emisarul bizantin Niketas Skleros, I-a convins cu daruri pe Arpad şi Kursan, să pornească contra bulgarilor.
Trecând Dunărea cu sprijinul flotei bizantine, maghiarii conduşi de Liunticas, un fiu al lui Arpad, i-au înfrânt pe bulgari în câteva rânduri, înaintând până aproape de Preslav. Tarul Simeon a fost nevoit să se adăpostească între zidurile cetăţii Mundraga. Încercând să stopeze invazia maghiară, Simeon a fost din nou învins, şi nevoit să se refugieze la Silistra ( Dorostolon ), de unde a cerut pace.
Informaţii cu privire la aceste evenimente, s-au păstrat în opera lui Theophanes Continuatus: “… Simeon i-a prins şi pe chazarii din suita împăratului Leon, le-a tăiat nările şi i-a trimis în capitală, spre ruşinea romanilor. Cînd i-a văzut, împăratul s-a mîniat şi a trimis la fluviul Dunărea, cu corăbii iuţi, pe Nichita poreclit Scleros ( “ Uscatul “ ), spre a oferi daruri turcilor ca să lupte împotriva lui Simeon. “.
Descrierea conflictului dintre bizantini şi bulgari, se regăseşte şi în lucrările lui Simeon Magister şi Leo Grammaticus. Folosind tactica adversarilor săi, i-a convins pe pecenegi să-i atace pe maghiari. Lovitura pecenegilor, a schimbat cursul istoriei maghiarilor, determinându-i să migreze spre altă patrie.
Înaintarea maghiarilor spre vest, a avut loc după toate probabilităţile, prin Carpaţii Nordici, prin pasul Verecke. Anonymus consemnează în Gesta Hungarorum, drumul parcurs de maghiari spre vest. Plecând din Kiev, au poposit în principatul lui Wladimir, din regiunea Wolhyniei ( Lodomer ), apoi în Galicia ( Galiţia ), de unde au trecut prin pădurea Howos, ocupând Muncaci.
Din cronica lui Simon de Keza, reiese că:
“ Huni sine Hungari denuo ingressi in Pannoniam transierant per regna Bessorum, Alborum Comanorum et ciuitatem Kyo, et deinde in fluuio Hung uocato, ubi castrum fundauere resederunt. A quo quidem fluuio Hungari a gentibus occidentis sunt uocati. /… Hunii sau Ungurii intrară din nou în Pannonia, dup ce trecuseră prin ţara Bessilor, a Comanilor Albi şi cetatea Kyo şi apoi se aşezară la fluviul numit Hung, unde fundară o fortăreaţă. După acest fluviu au fost numiţi ei de popoarele din Occident Unguri. “.
În lucrarea lui Constantin al VII-lea Porfirogenetul, aflăm şi vecinii ungurilor, în acest habitat:
“ Lângă turci ( = unguri ) locuiesc următoarele neamuri: în partea de apus francii, la miază-noapte pecenegii, în partea de miază-zi cei din Moravia sau din ţara lui Svatopluk, care au dispărut cu totul din cauza acestor turci ( = unguri ) şi au fost înghiţiţi de ei. Croaţii locuiesc lângă hotarele turcilor ( = ungurilor ).”
Relaţiile Bizanţului cu maghiarii, au fost mai calme doar în timpul domniei lui Constantin VII Porfirogenetul ( 949-959 ). Acesta consemnează că, după anul 927, „ clericul Gabriel “ a plecat într-o misiune la maghiari, cu scopul de ai convinge să cucerească ţara pecenegilor.
Un eveniment deosebit, descris de Ioan Skylitzes, s-a petrecut în jurul anului 948, când la Constantinopol au fost primiţi Bulcsu şi Termács, strănepotul lui Arpád.
Bulcsu a fost botezat şi a primit titlul de patricius. Însuşi împăratul Constantin VII Porfirogenetul, i-a fost chezaş şi naş. Scena botezului lui Bulcsu, s-a păstrat într-o miniatură din manuscrisul unei cronici medievale de la Biblioteca Naţională din Madrid.
A doua jumătate a secolului al X-lea, marchează întărirea autorităţii centrale, în timpul domniei lui Géza ( 970-997 ). Botezul l-a primit împreună cu fiul său Vajk, viitorul rege Ştefan I ( 1000-1038 ) de la un misionar din Passau.
Înainte de moartea sa, Géza a peţit-o pentru Ştefan I, pe Gisela, fiica ducelui bavarez Heinrich, a căror căsătorie a avut loc în anul 996. În cele din urmă, Ungaria a intrat sub jurisdicţia spirituală a papalităţii, iar regele Stefan I, a fost încoronat în ziua de Crăciun a anului 1000 ( prima zi a anului 1001 ), de către papa Silvestru al II-lea.
Din relatarea episcopului german Thietmar de Mersenburg, reiese că „ prin favoarea şi stăruinţa ” împăratului Otto al III-lea, cumnatul ducelui bavarez Heinrich, a primit coroana şi binecuvântarea de la papa Silvestru al II-lea.
1. Opinii privind pătrunderea maghiarilor în Transilvania
La stadiul actual al cercetărilor, se cunosc câteva opinii legate de pătrunderea comunităţilor maghiare în spaţiul Transilvaniei.
După Kurt Horedt, intruziunea regalităţii maghiare în Transilvania, s-a produs din punct de vedere teritorial în cinci etape principale. În prima fază, plasată în jurul anului 900, maghiarii ajung până la Someşul Mic. Faza a doua, coincide cu ocuparea văii Mureşului. Pe parcursul fazei a treia, plasate în anul 1100, se atinge valea Târnavei Mari, cu precizarea că aici nu a putut fi identificat orizontul de secol XI, caracteristic pentru valea Mureşului. În faza a patra, pe la anul 1150, se atinge linia Oltului. Ultima fază, datată în jurul anului 1200, coincide cu înaintarea până la linia Carpaţilor Răsăriteni şi Sudici.
Janos Bodrogi considera valea Mureşului drept puntea naturală de legătură între est şi vest şi locul unde populaţiile migratoare au staţionat perioade mai scurte sau mai lungi de timp.
După Marton Roska, pătrunderea maghiarilor în Transilvania s-a realizat atât pe valea Someşului cât şi pe valea Mureşului .
Radu R. Heitel, avansa în anul 1987, trei etape de pătrundere a comunităţilor maghiare în spaţiul intracarpatic. Prima etapă, este reprezentată de o serie de descoperiri – Cluj Napoca, Gîmbaş, Lopadea Nouă, Blandiana şi Alba Iulia – databile în prima jumătate a secolului al X - lea, care jalonează traseurile parcurse ( prin „ Porţile Mezeşului ” şi pe Valea Mureşului, în amonte ) şi obiectivele urmărite ( salinele din Transilvania, grânarul din bazinul Someşurilor ).
A doua etapă, este marcată de acţiunea militară a regelui arpadian Ştefan I, întreprinsă în Transilvania. Reperele acestei etape, ne arată drumul parcurs de armata lui Ştefan I – Deva, Alba Iulia, Lernei, Moreşti şi zona Ciucului. Acum, apar şi primele elemente caracteristice ale culturii Bijelo Brdo în Transilvania. Ambele etape au un caracter violent.
Debutul ultimei etape, se produce în vremea regelui arpadian Ladislau I ( 1074 - 1095 ) şi se caracterizează prin răspândirea spre est a cimitirelor de tip Bjelo Brdo, în decursul secolului al XII - lea.
Acelaşi autor, considera că atribuirea acestor cimitire maghiarilor sau slavo - maghiarilor nu trebuie generalizată, existând şi unele autohtone ( o parte din cimitirul de la Hunedoara, o parte din cimitirul Blandiana B, două dintre cimitirele de la Alba Iulia ) .
Radu R. Heitel a tratat într-un studiu de sinteză această problematică, legată de pătrunderea comunităţilor maghiare în spaţiul intracarpatic. Pentru argumentarea ipotezelor formulate, a folosit un suport arheologic destul de substanţial. În linii mari, susţine punctul de vedere exprimat anterior de către Kurt Horedt. Prima fază care coincide cu ceea ce desemna drept „ orientalischen Phase ”, a fost plasată în prima treime a secolului al X - lea. A doua fază, debutează cu expediţia militară a regelui Ştefan I împotriva lui Gyula, şi se încheie în vremea lui Ladislau I ( 1074 - 1095 ). Între cele două faze, s-a admis o perioadă de tranziţie, datată între a doua şi ultima treime a secolului al X - lea. Ultima fază, corespunde intervalului cuprins între anii 1095 -1196.
 Pop 1996, 53sqq.
 Spinei 1990, 106.
 Spinei 1996, 24.
 Decei 1936, 881sq.
 Obolensky 2002, 173.
 Spinei 1996, 30; Musset 2002, 58.
 Spinei 1990, 115.
 Spinei 1990, 117.
 Spinei 1990, 117. “ Primum bellum cum Ungaris ad Weniam. Secundum bellum cum Cowaris ad Culmite. “
 Pop 1996, 51sq.
 FHDR II, 672sqq.
 FHDR II, 630sq.
 FHDR II, 652sq.
 Obolensky 2002, 123.
 Anonymus, ed. 1934, cap. XI-XII, 33sqq.; Anonymus, ed. 2001, cap. XI-XII, 34sqq; Pop 1996, 63.
 Simon de Keza, ed. 1935, 38, 86.
 FHDR II, 660sq.
 Obolensky 2002, 175.
 Lendvai 2001, 36.
 Obolensky 2002, 175.
 Lendvai 2001, 39.
 Horedt 1954, 507; IstTrans 2003, 212.
 Heitel 1958, 130; Heitel 1994 - 95, 389sq.
 Nagy 1913, 268 – 275.
 Heitel 1987, 77sq.
 Heitel 1994 - 1995, 389 - 439.
„Gyula” a fost un principe electiv-ereditar, care avea, probabil un alt nume de purtat, fiind ceva de felul „gyula X” ori „gyula Y”. Absolut nici unul dintre şefii unguri din secolul al X-lea, nu avea ceea ce se repetă la saţietate a fi o „reşedinţă” de adus, pus ori întreţinut vreun ierarh creştin. Nu stăteau în palate, nici în oraşe, ci eventual, pe lângă ruine romane, în iurte. Până târziu, către secolele XIII-XIV, chiar nici regii nu aveau vreo „capitală”.
The Tercia pars regni (i.e., one-third parts of the kingdom) is the denomination for territories occasionally governed separately by members (dukes) of the Árpád dynasty within the Kingdom of Hungary in the 11th-12th centuries. The symbol of the ducal power was a sword, while the royal power was represented by the crown.
The origins of separated territorial governments within the Kingdom of Hungary are debated among modern scholars.
Some of them claim that the institution was the adaptation of the practise followed by leaders of nomadic tribal federations who entrusted their heirs with the government of some tribes joined recently to the federation. The practise was followed within the tribal federation of the Magyars and later it became the pattern for developing separated governments on territorial basis (e.g., Koppány's government in Somogy).
Other sources mention that the practise of separating a territory for the heir of the monarch was followed by the rulers of Great Moravia.
The exact borders of the "Tercia parsi regni" have not been determined yet. The counties entrusted to the members of the ruling dynasty did not form a separate province within the kingdom, but they were organized around two or three centers.
The eastern block of the counties were located around Bihar (Romanian: Biharea), a city that was also the see of a Roman Catholic diocese in that time. The north-western parts of the territories were centered around Nyitra (Slovak: Nitra, German: Neutra). A third possible center of the territories was Krassó, a fortress destroyed later in the first half of the 13th century, located near to the present-day Dupljaja in Serbia.
The practise of dynastical divisions of the kingdom's territories commenced in 1048 when King Andrew I of Hungary conceded one-third of the counties of his kingdom in appanage to his brother, Béla. At that time, Duke Béla was the heir presumptive, but later King Andrew I fathered a son, Solomon. The birth of Solomon gave rise to conflicts between the two brothers that resulted in a civil war. The civil war stopped in 1060 when Béla defeated his brother and ascended the throne.
When Béla died in 1063, his sons Géza, Ladislaus and Lampert had to flee from the Kingdom of Hungary, because their cousin, Solomon (who had already been crowned in 1057) returned followed by the troops his brother-in-law, King Henry IV of Germany provided him. Shortly afterwards, King Bolesław II of Poland provided military assistance to the three dukes thus they could return to the kingdom. However, the parties wanted to avoid the emerging civil war and therefore they made an agreement on 20 January 1064 in Győr. Under the agreement, the three brothers, Dukes Géza, Ladislaus and Lampert accepted the rule of their cousin, King Solomon who conceded them their father's former duchy (the "Tercia pars regni").
Following a nine-year-long period of cooperation, conflicts arose among the king and the dukes, and the latter could expand their power over the larger part of the kingdom and the king had to flee to the western borders. In 1074, the eldest duke, Géza was proclaimed king, while King Solomon could maintain his rule only in some western counties of the kingdom. Following his ascension to the throne, King Géza confirmed his brothers, Ladislaus and Lampert in the possession of the "Tercia pars regni". When Géza died on 25 April 1077, his partisans proclaimed Ladislaus king who could enforce King Solomon to accept his rule in 1081. During Ladislaus' reign, the "Tercia pars regni" may have governed by his brother, Duke Lampert, but it has not been proven, yet.
The "Tercia pars regni" revived in 1095-1096, when King Coloman of Hungary made and agreement with his brother, Álmos, who had been debating Coloman's right to the throne following the death of King Ladislaus I, and conceded the territories in appanage to him. In 1105, Duke Álmos rebelled against his brother and sought for military assistance from the Holy Roman Empire and Poland, but his troops were defeated by the king shortly afterwards. In 1107, Duke Álmos made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and taking advantage of his absence, King Coloman occupied the territories of the "Tercia pars regni".
When Duke Álmos returned from the Holy Land and realised that his territories had been incorporated into the royal domains, he escaped to the court of Henry V, Holy Roman Emperor. Upon the duke's request, the Emperor laid siege to Bratislava (Hungarian: Pozsony, German: Pressburg). However, King Coloman sought the assistance of Duke Bolesław III of Poland, who attacked Bohemia. In November, the emperor made a peace with Coloman, who let his brother come back to his court, but the duchy of Álmos and his ducal power was not to be restored. Shortly afterwards, Coloman set up the bishopric of Nyitra in one of the seats of the "Tercia pars regni".
The last revival of the "Tercia pars regni" occurred in 1162, when King Ladislaus II of Hungary, who had been proclaimed king under the menaces of the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos against his nephew, King Stephen III, granted its territories to his brother, Stephen following his coronation on 25 December 1162. When King Ladislaus II died in three weeks (on 14 January 1163), Duke Stephen was proclaimed king (and, in some months, he was defeated by King Stephen III]]) and therefore the territories of his former duchy were incorporated into the royal domains definitely.
The list of the members of the Árpád dynasty who were dukes of the "Tercia pars regni" follows: