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Proto - Dacian Vlachs-Romanian Political Entities from IV to VII century AD


The first attempt to assert a state of "Romans" in the North-Danubian space
Romanian historiography was quick to include the evolution of post-aurelian society  north of the Danube, called generic, at least three centuries III-V Daco-Roman, in a "millennium of glum.  "Dark" not only because of damage caused by the invasion of the migratory tribes to fill the local power vacuum created by the withdrawal of military and imperial administration, the collapse of the Western Roman Empire (476), or loss of the Danube border of the Eastern Roman Empire- Byzantium (after 602), as more mainly due to lack of information. And yet the information, both archaeological and written, still is being able to provide data about Daco-Romanian North Danube. 


Zizais and Rumon, Daco-Roman Rulers in Pannonia and Banat over

Vlachs and the Sarmathians

Ammianus Marcellinus,(325/330) after 391Roman History. London: Bohn (1862) Book 17. pp. 123-159. [Translated by C.D.YONGE]



§ 1. In the mean time, while the emperor  (Constantius) was passing the winter quietly at Sirmium, he received frequent and trustworthy intelligence that the Sarmatians and the Quadi, two tribes contiguous to each other, and similar in manners and mode of warfare, were conjointly overrunning Pannonia and the second province of Moesia, in straggling detachments.

2. These tribes are more suited to predatory incursions than to regular war; they carry long spears, and wear breastplates made of horn scraped and polished, let into linen jackets, so that the layers of horn are like the feathers |147 of a bird. Their horses are chiefly geldings, lest at the sight of mares they should be excited and run away, or, when held back in reserve, should betray their riders by their fierce neighing.

3. They cover vast spaces in their movements, whether in pursuit or in retreat, their horses being swift and very manageable; and they lead with them one or sometimes two spare chargers apiece, in order that the change may keep up the strength of their cattle, and that their vigour may be preserved by alternations of rest.

4.  Therefore, after the venial equinox was past, the emperor, having collected a strong body of soldiers, marched forth under the guidance of propitious fortune. Having arrived at a suitable place, he crossed the Danube, which was now flooded from the melting of the snow, by a bridge of boats, and descended on the lands of the barbarians, which he began to lay waste. They, being taken by surprise through the rapidity of his march, and seeing that the battalions of his warlike army were at their throats, when they had not supposed it possible that such a force could be collected for a year, had no courage to make a stand, but, as the only means of escaping unexpected destruction, took to flight.

5.   When many had been slain, fear fettering their steps, those whose speed had saved them from death hid themselves among the secret defiles of the mountains, and from thence beheld their country destroyed by the sword, which they might have delivered if they had resisted with as much vigour as they fled.

6. These events took place in that part of Sarmatia which looks towards the second Pannonia. Another military expedition, conducted with equal courage, routed the troops of the barbarians in Valeria, who were plundering and destroying everything within their reach.

7.  Terrified at the greatness of this disaster, the Sarmatians, under pretext of imploring peace, planned to divide their force into three bodies, and to attack our army while in a state of fancied security; so that they should neither be able to prepare their weapons, nor avoid wounds, nor (which is the last resource in a desperate case) take to flight.

8.   There were with the Sarmatians likewise on this |148 occasion, as partners in their danger, the Quadi, who had often before taken part in the injuries inflicted on us; but their prompt boldness did not help them on this occasion, rushing as they did into open danger.

9.  For many of them were slain, and the survivors escaped among the hills, with which they were familiar. And as this event raised the spirits and courage of our army, they united in solid columns, and marched with speed into the territories of the Quadi; who, having learnt by the past to dread the evils which impended over them, came boldly into the emperor's presence to implore peace as suppliants, since he was inclined to be merciful in such cases. On the day appointed for settling the conditions, one of their princes named Zizais, a young man of great stature, marshalled the ranks of the Sarmatians to offer their entreaties of peace in the fashion of an army; and as soon as they came within sight, he threw away his arms, and fell like one dead, prostrating himself on his breast before the emperor; his very voice from fear refusing its office, when he ought to have uttered his entreaties, he awakened the more pity, making many attempts, and being scarcely able from the violence of his sobs to give utterance to his wishes.

10.  At last, having recovered himself, and being bidden to rise up, he knelt, and having regained the use of his tongue, he implored pardon for his offences. His followers also, whose mouths had been closed by fear while the fate of their leader was still doubtful, were admitted to offer the same petition, and when he, being commanded to rise, gave them the signal which they had been long expecting, to present their petition, they all threw away their javelins and their shields, and held out their hands in an attitude of supplication, striving to surpass their prince in the humility of their entreaties.

11.  Among the other Sarmatians the prince had brought with him three chiefs of tribes, Rumo, Zinafer, and Fragiledus, and many nobles who came to offer the same petition with earnest hope of success. And they, being elated at the promise of safety, undertook to make amends for their former deeds of hostility by performing the conditions now imposed on them; giving up willingly into the power |149 of the Romans themselves, their wives and children, and all their possessions. The kindness of the emperor, united with justice, subdued them; and he bidding them be of good cheer and return to their homes, they restored our prisoners. They also brought the hostages who were demanded of them, and promised prompt obedience to all the emperor's commands.

12.  Then, encouraged by this example of our clemency, other chieftains came with all their tribe, by name Araharius and Usafer, men of distinction among the nobles, and at the head of a great force of their countrymen; one of them being chief of a portion of the Quadi who dwelt beyond the mountains, and the other of a division of the Sarmatians: the two being united by the proximity of their territories, and their natural ferocity. But the emperor, fearing the number of their followers, lest, while pretending to make a treaty, they should suddenly rise up in arms, separated them; ordering those who were acting for the Sarmatians to retire for a while, while he was examining into the affairs of Araharius and the Quadi.

13.  And when they presented themselves before him, bowing according to their national custom, as they were not able to clear themselves of heavy charges, so, fearing extreme punishment, they gave the hostages which were demanded, though they had never before been compelled to give pledges for their fidelity.

14.  These matters being thus equitably and successfully settled, Usafer was admitted to offer his petition, though Araharius loudly protested against this, and maintained that the peace ratified with him ought to comprehend Usafer also, as an ally of his though of inferior rank, and subject to his command.

15.  But when the question was discussed, the Sarmatians were pronounced independent of any other power, as having been always vassals of the Roman empire; and they willingly embraced the proposal of giving hostages as a pledge of the maintenance of tranquillity.

16.  After this there came a vast number of nations and princes, flocking in crowds, when they heard that Araharius had been allowed to depart in safety, imploring us to withdraw the sword which was at their throats; and |150 they also obtained the peace which they requested on similar terms, and without any delay gave as hostages the sons of their nobles whom they brought from the interior of the country; and they also surrendered, as we insisted, all their prisoners, from whom they parted as unwillingly as from their own relations.

17.    When these arrangements were completed, the emperor's anxiety was transferred to the Sarmatians, who were objects of pity rather than of anger. It is incredible how much prosperity our connection with their affairs had brought them, so as to give grounds for really believing, what some persons do imagine, that Fate may be either overcome or created at the will of the emperor.

18.  There were formerly many natives of this kingdom, of high birth and great power, but a secret conspiracy armed their slaves against them; and as among barbarians all right consists in might, they, as they were equal to their masters in ferocity, and superior in number, completely overcame them.

19.  And these native chiefs, losing all their wisdom in their fear, fled to the Victohali, whose settlements were at a great distance, thinking it better in the choice of evils to become subject to their protectors than slaves to their own slaves. But afterwards, when they had obtained pardon from us, and had been received as faithful allies, they deplored their hard fate, and invoked our direct protection. Moved by the undeserved hardship of their lot, the emperor, when they were assembled before him, addressed them with kind words in the presence of his army, and commanded them for the future to own no master but himself and the Roman generals.

20.   And that the restoration of their liberty might carry with it additional dignity, he made Zizais their king, a man, as the event proved, deserving the rewards of eminent fortune, and faithful. After these glorious transactions, none of the Sarmatians were allowed to depart till all our prisoners had returned, as we had before insisted.

21.   When these matters had been concluded in the territories of the barbarians, the camp was moved to Szoeni, that there also the emperor might, by subjugation |151 or slaughter, terminate the war with the Quadi, who were keeping that district in a state of agitation. Their prince Vitrodorus, the son of king Viduarius, and Agilimundus, an inferior chieftain, with the other nobles and judges who governed the different tribes, as soon as they saw the imperial army in the bosom of their kingdom and of their native land, threw themselves at the feet of the soldiers, and having obtained pardon, promised obedience; and gave their children as hostages for the performance of the conditions imposed upon them; and drawing their swords, which they worship as deities, they swore to remain faithful.


§ 1. These matters then, as has been related, having been thus successfully terminated, the public interests required that the army should at once march against the Limigantes, the revolted slaves of the Sarmatians, who had perpetrated many atrocities with impunity. For, as soon as the countrymen of free blood had attacked us, they also, forgetful of their former condition, thinking to take advantage of a favourable opportunity, burst through the Roman frontier, in this wickedness alone agreeing with their masters and enemies.

2.  But on deliberation we determined that their offence also should be punished with more moderation than its greatness deserved; and that vengeance should limit itself to removing them to a distance where they could no longer harass our territories. The consciousness of a long series of crimes made them fearful of danger.

3.  And therefore, suspecting that the weight of war was about to fall upon them, they were prepared, as exigency might require, to resort to stratagem, arms, or entreaties. But at the first sight of our army they became as it were panic-stricken; and being reduced to despair, they begged their lives, offering a yearly tribute, and a body of their chosen youths for our army, and promising perpetual obedience. But they were prepared to refuse if they were ordered to emigrate (as they showed by their gestures and countenances), trusting to the strength of the place where, after they had expelled their masters, they had fixed their abode. |152 

4.  For the Parthiscus  (Tisa) waters this land, proceeding with oblique windings till it falls into the Danube. But while it flows unmixed, it passes through a vast extent of country, which, near its junction with the Danube, it narrows into a very small corner, so that over on the side of the Danube those who live in that district are protected from the attack of the Romans, and on the side of the Parthiscus they are secured from any irruptions of the barbarians. Since along its course the greater part of the ground is frequently under water from the floods, and always swampy and full of osiers, so as to be quite impassable to strangers; and besides the mainland there is an island close to the mouth of the river, which the stream itself seems to have separated into its present state.

5.  Accordingly, at the desire of the emperor, they came with native arrogance to our bank of the river, not, as the result showed, with the intention of obeying his commands, but that they might not seem alarmed at the presence of his soldiers. And there they stood, stubbornly showing that they had come bent on resistance.

6.  And as the emperor had foreseen that this might happen, he secretly divided his army into several squadrons, and by the rapidity of their movements hemmed in the barbarians between his own lines. And then, standing on a mound, with a few of his officers and a small body-guard, he gently admonished them not to give way to ferocity.

7.  But they, wavering and in doubt, were agitated by various feelings, and mingling craft with their fury, they had recourse to arms and to prayers at the same time. And meditating to make a sudden attack on those of our men who were nearest, they threw their shields some distance before them, with the intent that while they made some steps forward to recover them, they might thus steal a little ground without giving any indication of their purpose.

8.  And as it was now nearly evening, and the departing light warned us to avoid further delay, our soldiers raised their standards and fell upon them with a fiery onset. And they, in close order, directed all their force against the mound on which (as has been already said) the |153 emperor himself was standing, fixing their eyes on him, and uttering fierce outcries against him.

9.  Our army was indignant at such insane audacity, and forming into a triangle, to which military simplicity has given the name of "the boar's head," with a violent charge they scattered the barbarians now pressing vigorously upon the emperor; on the right our infantry slew their infantry, and on the left our cavalry dashed among their squadrons of light horsemen.

10.  The praetorian cohort, carefully guarding the emperor, spared neither the breasts of those who attacked nor the backs of those who fled, and the barbarians, yielding in their stubbornness to death alone, showed by their horrid cries that they grieved not so much at their own death as at the triumph of our army. And, beside the dead, many lay with their legs cut off, and so deprived of the resource of flight, others had lost their hands; some who had received no wound were crushed by the weight of those who fell upon them, and bore their torments in profound silence.

11.  Nor, amid all their sufferings, did any one of them ask for mercy, or throw away his sword, or implore a speedy death, but clinging resolutely to their arms, wounded as they were, they thought it a lesser evil to be subdued by the strength of another than by their own consciences, and at times they were heard to grumble that what had happened was the work of fortune, not of their deserts. And so this whole battle was brought to an end in half an hour, in which such numbers of barbarians fell that nothing but the fact of our victory proved that there had been any battle at all.

12.   Those in arms had scarcely been routed when the relations of the dead, of every age and sex, were brought forward in crowds, having been dragged from their humble dwellings. And all their former pride being now gone, they descended to the lowest depths of servile obedience, and after a very short time nothing but barrows of the dead and bands of captives were beheld.

13.   So, the heat of strife and the excitement of victory stimulating our men, they rose up to destroy all who had escaped the battle, or who were lying hidden in their dwellings. And when, eager for the blood of the |154 barbarians, our soldiers had reached the spot, they tore to pieces the slight straw-thatched huts; nor could even the strongest-built cottages, or the stoutest beams save any one from death.

14.  At last, when everything was set on fire, and when no one could be concealed any longer, since every protection for their lives was destroyed, they either perished obstinately in the flames, or else, if they avoided the fire and sallied out, they only escaped that destruction to fall beneath the sword of their enemies.

15.  Some, however, did escape from the weapons of the enemy and from the spreading flames, and committed themselves to the stream, trusting to their skill in swimming to enable them to reach the further bank; but many of them were drowned, and others were transfixed by our javelins, so that the winding stream of the vast river was discoloured with blood, and thus, by the agency of both elements, did the indignation and valour of the conquerors destroy the Sarmatians.

16.   After these events it was determined to leave the barbarians no hope nor comfort of life; and after burning their houses and carrying off their families, an order was given to collect boats in order to hunt out those who, being on the opposite bank of the river, had escaped the attack of our men.

17.  And immediately, that the alacrity of our warriors might have no time to cool, some light-armed troops were embarked in boats, and led by secret paths to occupy the retreats of the Sarmatians. The barbarians at first were deceived by seeing only the boats of their own country, and crews with whom they were acquainted.

18.  But when the weapons glittered in the distance, and they perceived that what they feared was upon them, they sought refuge in their accustomed marshes. And our soldiers pursuing them with great animosity, slew numbers of them, and gained a victory in a place where it had not been supposed that any soldier could find a footing, much less do any bold action.

19.   After the Anicenses had thus been routed and almost destroyed, we proceeded at once to attack the Ticenses, who are so called from the regions which they |155 inhabit, which border on one another; and these tribes had fancied themselves the more secure from the disasters of their allies, which they had heard of by frequent rumours. To crush them (for it was an arduous task for those who did not know the country to follow men scattered in many directions as they were) the aid of Taifali and of the free-born Sarmatians was sought.

20.  And as the nature of the ground separated the auxiliary battalions from each other, our own troops took the ground nearest Moesia, the Taifali that nearest to their own settlements, while the free Sarmatians occupied that in front of their original position.

21.  The Limigantes, alarmed at the still fresh examples of nations subdued and crushed by us, for a long time hesitated and wavered whether they should attack us or ask for peace, having arguments of no small weight for either line of conduct. But at last, through the influence of the council of the elders, the idea of surrender prevailed; and the submission also of those who had dared to attack their free-born masters was added to our numerous victories; and the rest of them, who had previously despised their masters, thinking them unwarlike and easily subdued, now finding them stronger than themselves, submitted to them.

22.  Accordingly, having received pledges of their safety, and having quitted the defence of their mountains, the greater portion of them came with speed to the Roman camp, and they spread over a vast extent of ground, bringing with them their parents, their children, their wives, and all the movable treasures which their rapid motions had allowed them to carry off.

23.  And those who it had been supposed would rather lose their lives than quit their country, while they mistook their mad licentiousness for liberty, now submitted to obey our orders, and to take up another abode in peace and good faith, so as to be undisturbed for the future by wars or seditions. And having been thus accepted as subjects, in accordance with their own wish as it was believed, they remained quiet for a time; but afterwards they broke out in destructive wickedness, as shall be related at the proper time. |156 

24.  While our affairs were thus prospering, Illyricum was put in a state of twofold security, since the emperor, in endeavouring by two means to accomplish this object, succeeded in both. He brought back and established in their ancient homes the people who had been banished, whom, although they were objects of suspicion from their natural fickleness, he believed would go on more moderately than of old. And to crown this kindness, he set over them as a king, not one of low birth, but the very man whom they themselves had formerly chosen, as eminent for all the virtues of mind and body.

25.  After such a wise action, Constantius, being now raised above all fear, and having received from the unanimous consent of his soldiers the title of Sarmaticus, from the name of the nation which he had subdued; and being now about to leave the army, summoned all his cohorts and centuries and maniples, and mounting the tribune, surrounded by the standards and eagles, and by a great number of soldiers of all ranks, he addressed the troops in these words, choosing his topics as usual so as to gain the favour of all.

26.   "The recollection of our glorious exploits, the dearest of all feelings to brave men, encourages me to repeat, though with great moderation, what, in our heaven-granted victories, and before battle, and in the very heat of the strife, we, the most faithful champions of the Roman state, have conducted to a deservedly prosperous issue. For what can be so honourable or so justly worthy to be handed down to the recollection of posterity as the exultation of the soldier in his brave deeds, and of the general in his wise plans?

27.   "The rage of our enemies, in their arrogant pride thinking to profit by our absence, while we were protecting Italy and Gaul, was overrunning Illyricum, and with continual sallies they were ravaging even the districts beyond our frontiers; crossing the rivers, sometimes in boats made of hollow trees, sometimes on foot; not relying on combats, nor on their arms and strength, but being accustomed to secret forays, and having been from the very earliest era of their nation an object of fear to our ancestors, from their cunning and the variety of their manoeuvres, which we indeed, being at a great distance, |157 bore as long as we could, thinking that the vigour of our generals would be able to protect us from even slight injury.

28.  "But when their licentiousness led them on to bolder attempts, and to inflict great and frequent injury on our provinces, we, having first fortified the passes of the Tyrol, and having secured the safety of the Gauls by watchful care, leaving no danger behind us, have marched into Pannonia, in order, with the favour of the everlasting deity, to strengthen our tottering interests in that country. And after everything was prepared, we set forth, as you know, at the end of the spring, and undertook a great enterprise; first of all taking care that the countless darts of the enemy should not prevent us from making a bridge. And when, with no great trouble, this had been accomplished, after we had set our foot upon the enemy's territories, we defeated, with very little loss to ourselves, the Sarmatians, who with obstinate courage set themselves to resist us to the death. And we also crushed the Quadi, who were bringing reinforcements to the Sarmatians, and who with similar courage attacked our noble legions.

29.   "These tribes, after heavy losses sustained in their attacks, and their stubborn and toilsome resistance, have at length learnt the power of our valour, and throwing away their arms, have allowed their hands, prepared for fighting, to be bound behind their backs; and seeing that their only hope of safety is in prayer, have fallen at the feet of your merciful emperor, whose wars they found are usually successful. Having got rid of these enemies, we with equal courage defeated the Limigantes, and after we had put numbers of them to the sword, the rest found their only means of escaping danger lay in fleeing to their hiding-places in the marshes.

30.   "And when these things were successfully terminated, it seemed to be a seasonable opportunity for mercy. So we compelled the Limigantes to remove to very distant lands, that they might not be able any more to move to our injury; and we spared the greatest part of them. And we made Zizais king over the free-born portion of them, sure that he would be faithful to us, and thinking it more honour to create a king for the barbarians than to take one from them, the dignity being increased by |158 this honourable consideration, that the ruler whom we thus gave them had before been elected and accepted by them.

31.   "So we and the republic have in one campaign obtained a fourfold reward: first, vengeance on our guilty assailants; next, abundance of captive slaves from the enemy, for valour is entitled to those rewards which it has earned with its toil and prowess.

32.   "Thirdly, we have ample resources and great treasures of wealth; our labour and courage having preserved the patrimony of each of us undiminished. This, in the mind of a good sovereign, is the best fruit of prosperity.

33.   "Lastly, I myself have the well-won spoil of a surname derived from the enemy—the title of Sarmaticus —which you unanimously have (if I may say so without arrogance) deservedly conferred on me."

34.   After he had made an end of speaking, the whole assembly, with more alacrity than usual, since its hope of booty and gain was increased, rose up with joyful voices in praise of the emperor; and, as usual, calling God to witness that Constantius was invincible, returned with joy to their tents. And the emperor was conducted back to his palace, and having rested two days, re-entered Sirmium with a triumphal procession; and the troops returned to their appointed stations.

One such source is Ammianus Marcellinus describing the resistance, in Banat, in the 395 of a body of what he called "indigenous" deducted from the old defenders of the Roman limes ( limitanei) - "limiganthes."  These "indigenous" were  under the leadership of Zizais and Rumon  and fought on the site of the Sarmatians "Argaraganthes or Ardaganthes, their temporary masters, as well as military Imperial will try (357-359) to return to them the territories issued to them by the Empire. 
The power vacuum after the year 275 permited the invasion in the region mentioned by Alans who came to revitalize the Iazygs established between the Tisa and Danube .
Less, Sarmathians named by Ammianus Marcellinus and Valesii-Anonymus "Argaraganthes or Ardaghantes" were dominated by "indigenous" by the power and quality of their weapons.  In the year 332, however, the need to push back the Goths, which appeared in the North Danubian area, sarmaţii him called "indigenous" under arms.  Once armed, they were exceptional fighters, their military art, developed on the basis of inheritance Thracian-Dacian and Roman as well as loans from the world of "barbarian", revealing some knowledge of principles for illustrative strategy popular classic war of defense - the economy forces, ensure freedom of action, the main concentration of forces, surprise - and lineman directions (lines) interior.  Refusing to engage in open field, they have attracted the goţi by harassment, the directions required for submission, in which valleys of the mountains, where, dispersed forces tracking them, they fell into ambushes and were on the line, nothing .
After chasing goţilor, "indigenous" returned against the former occupant, becoming ally of circumstance.  Through a general uprising, triggered by surprise, sarmaţii and they were defeated catastrophic and elongated in the 334.  On teritoariul released has been an independent state formation, a "kingdom" in the old tradition of Germanic barbarian updated, taking the lead on "indigenous" Zizais elected king and Rumon-viceroy.  The event was the Roman Empire for an invitation to return in the faces of these his Daco-Romanian izbelişte stop with half a century ago and which eliberaseră alone.
Zizais and Rumon but have rejected all diplomatic initiatives and Roman Deliveries intimidating, so Constantine II (337-361) saw the need to trigger a strong offensive in the spring of 359, forcing its troops "of Istria whirling snow melts" on " a pontoon.   Testifing at least in military thinking and local policy continuity undeniable, the conduct of this campaign reminds us to detail the campaign's offensive Tettius Iulianus (88) and President (101), all triggered in Banat, against Decebal.
As Decebalus Zizais, second by Rumon (a sort of his Vezina) asked to gain time pending quadi requested military aid, peace.  After their arrival, exiting the valleys of mountains, they tried    again, pretending that requires peace, to make a surprise attack from three sides on the main imperial forces.  Triggered so    after the junction with allies in the area of strategic waiting, a strong counter-offensive action during which they applied the maneuver directions (lines) outside in order to double învăluiri Imperial forces, with frontal shot.  Rejected with great loss, "indigenous" have been withdrawn from direct contact with the enemy, harassing him permanently until they disappeared in the mountains of their ins.
Even if, through exaggeration, caused by malice, the "cruelty" their Ammianus trying to justify the deck, suggesting that "indigenous" could be identical with the "barbarians", recunoscându their valor and military knowledge solids betray that he was a population with a degree of civilization and training comparable to those of the Empire Army.  Ammianus (confirmed by Anonymus Valesii) describes such rigor and discipline in the army's rule Zizais who, on negotiations and has placed "among the soldiers in formation they use to fight, and they are equipped with shields and with weapons of offense "And just as a recognition of their military value, brought peace to Zizais, the quality of foedus and confirmation of the king.
What was the fate of "kingdom" Daco-Roman Zizais and Rumon?  She managed to transform the empire "alliance" delivery? A die as strikes or Huns had become dependent, as seems to indicate that happened formations story home about a result "Ramuc" (Romans, "to see the insistence occurring variants medieval name "Roman" - "Vlachernos, Rumon, Ramunc" later "Olah" Why go to Duke Tartars, in 1247, then legendarii epic heroes "and Roman Vlahuta") at the court of Attila ( Nibelungilor song) or statement made by the deputation of the duke Arpad Bihoreana "Menumorut" our forefather had not been defeated by anyone, than Attila (Anonymus)?  Can speak in the same statement, the continuity of policy formation Romanian centuries IV - X, in which case the "kingdom of Zizais and Rumon could be the starting point of the" Ducati "Glad and his Ahtum?  Further research will perhaps light! The fact is that, while the indigenous sarmaţii and suffering attacks from Banat goţilor and his epic Zizais began to play in the panda Romanian Banat, Dobrogea, locals rebel against Constantine the Great (306-337), probably in year 325, according to Porphyrogenetul Constantine, the emperor was forced to seek, to include in a "claw strategic" forces to which chersoniţilor, led by Diogenes, they attacked from the north.  And only a century and a half after the conclusion of the treaty Zizais and empire, indigenous Lower Danube valley and the Sea, which it designated bizantinii now exclusively through the "Romans", "nation" that "with many cringe and stature" have tried to break in the northern provinces latinofone Balkan Peninsula and to create their own state, in the old Roman tradition, the first attempt so to achieve what they had to succeed in the years 1185-1207, brothers Peter, and Ionita Asan Caloian .


 The Niebelungen Lied


Mentions Duke Ramuc of the Wallachians from the Vlachen land at Atila's wedding.

More info about Ramuc at:


 Text and photo at: 

Please do not forget (for reference purposes) the Niebelungen Lied (events in the V-th century CE) and the heroic presence of Valachs through the entire Middle Ages (even when Germany didn't exist and Hungary was occupied by turks):

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1365,3 nic witiv schar
1365,4 da si ir frowen fvnden si fvren vrolichen dar
1366,1 ))V((on Rvzzen vñ von Chriechen reit da vil manic man
1366,2 Polanen vñ Vlachen den sah man ebene gan
1366,3 ir pferit vñ ros div gvten da si mit chreftin riten
1366,4 swaz si site habeten d/er wart vil wenich iht v/er\miten
1367,1 Von dem lande vz Chyewen reit ovch da manic man
1367,2 vñ die wilden Pescenære da wart des vil getan
1367,3 mit den bogen schiezen zen vogelen die da flvogen
1367,4 ir pfile si vil sere mit chraft vnz an die wende zvogen
1368,1 Ein stat bi Tvonowe lit in Osterlant
1368,2 div ist geheizen Tvlme da wart ir sit bechant
1368,3 vil manic site vremde den si nie da vor gesach
1368,4 si enpfiengen da genvge den leide sit von ir geschach
1369,1 ))V((or Ezele dem richen ein gesinde reit
1369,2 vro in hohem mvote hobesch vñ ovch gemeit
1369,3 wol vier vñ zweinzech fvrste/n\ rich uñ her
1369,4 daz si ir frowen sêhen da von negerten si niht mer
1370,1 Der herzoge Ramunch vzer Vlâchen lant
1370,2 mit sibenhund/er\t mannen chom er fvr si gerant
1370,3 sam die wilden vogele so sah man si varn
1370,4 do chome d/er\ fvrste Gibeche mit vil h/er\lichen scharn
1371,1 Hornboge d/er\ snelle wol mit tvsint man
1371,2 kerte vonme kunige gein sin/er\ frowen dan
1371,3 vil lvte wart geschallet nach des landes siten
1371,4 von den Hunin magen wart ovch da sere gerite/n
1372,1 Do chom von Tenemarche d/er\ chvene Hawart
1372,2 uñ Irinch d/er\ starche vor valsche wol bewart
1372,3 vñ Irnfrit von Dvri/n\gen ein fverste lobesam
1372,4 die enpfiengen Chriemh' als ez ir eren wol gezam
1373,1 mit zwelf hund/er\t mannen die hetens in ir schar
1373,2 ovch chom d/er\ herre Bloedelin mit tusint helden dar
1373,3 d/er\ Etzelen brvod/er\ vz d/er\ Hunin lant
1373,4 d/er\ ilte mit den sinen da er die kuniginne vant
1374,1 ))D((o chom d/er\ kunic Ezele vñ ovch herre Dietrich
1374,2 mit allen sinen degenen da was vil lobelich
1374,3 manic ritter edele biderb vñ gvot
1374,4 des wart d/er\ chvniginne ein teil gesenftet d/er\ mvot
1375,1 Do sp/ra\ch vo/n\ Bechelaren d/er\ herre Rvdeger
1375,2 frowe ivch wil enpfahen hie d/er\ kunic her
1375,3 swen ich iv rate chvssen daz sol sin getan
1375,4 iane mvgt ir niht geliche grvzen <alle> skuniges man
episcop de Tomis (498-520)— este primul şi singurul episcop de Tomis cunoscut sub titlul de episcopus metropolitanus. Această titulatură arată că, în timpul împăratului bizantin Anastasius, sub autoritatea episcopului Paternus din metropola tomitană se aflau alte episcopate mai noi, înfiinţate în unele centre importante de pe teritoriul Dobrogei. Numele lui Paternus este înscris pe un preţios disc de argint aurit (patena) ce face parte din marele tezaur descoperit în 1912 la Malaia perescepina (Ucraina), aflat azi la Muzeul Ermitaj din Petersburg (Dicţionar de istorie veche a României, Bucureşti, 1976.).

 Vitalian (513-520)

Son of Patriciolus of Zaldapa (Suyudzuh near Balchik), "indigenous" that went "cursus honorum" to rank comes foederatorum, Vitalian was born in the year 470, has embraced as any Thracian-Roman who wanted to pierce the Empire, military career, the distingându alongside his father in the campaign against persica year 503. reached Comes  foederatorum himself, then magister militum per Thracias and Dux Moesiae, has become a political leader entire "tribe" of Moesia and Scythia Minor (Dobrogea), ie the "Roman" on both sides of the Lower Danube and Maritime and hope of the military, high clergy and theologians "indigenous".  Complaints were generated by both excessive taxation, provided by their shield in front of Empire "barbarians" and to break that began to occur between Romanians (Romanian) and "Rome" ie carriers between Latin and Greek civilization, which divided Empire of the East Roman or Byzantine.  Break turned into chaos, when the Emperor Anastasius (491-518), proponent of ereziei Eastern monofizite, which reduces the Trinity as a single entity, in an attempt to impose monofizitismul, he dismissed the worldwide, including patriarchates of Constantinople (Macedonius) and Antioch (Flavianus).  For not as dogma, as' national ', following the release under the tutelage of Byzantium, the Papacy has caused a general lifting of the entire latinity against the Empire, under the pretext of defense ...  ortodoxiei.  After year 513, the papacy Simachus (498-514) and, especially Hormisdas (514-523), they scour the territories "Roman" on the Danube, urging resistance.
Italicii together, "nation" and Christian latin with many cringe and bullocks "amounted to 513-514 years in the struggle against Byzantium, called the" monahii party Scythiei "who rejected the new doctrine on the grounds that" one of three ( one of the Trinity, that Jesus - nn) was crucified "(Hormisdas). It shows that plot, based on external support (pope)! Bizantinii have failed them potolească" by any advice or with kindness, with no force ", note Dioscurus papal agent.  And, not incidentally, to distinguish between agitator "monahii of Scythia which the family head of spear Vitalianus" headed by "Leontinus which says it is the same ancestry with Vitalianus.  If you can be sure of the indigenous elite and the Roman provinces, all of the same ancestry with him (cf. Ioannes Malalas, Euagrios Scolasticul and Marcellinus Comes), Vitalian not count, but the loyalty of mercenaries camandaţi him, which were " barbarians "Huns, goţi, proto-Bulgarians etc..; established as foederati south of the Danube, but the idea of Anastasius to remove subsidies (annonae foederaticiae) solved this problem, showing the mercenaries ready to follow him. Surrounded by his children and grandchildren with names typical trace (Cutzis, Buzes) or Roman (Benilus, Bonus), supported by the entire population of native and alien, Vitalian triggered a general uprising of Roman provinces, he arrested (eg Carinus) or executed (eg Celerianus Constantin lydian) all officers loyal to the king and ordered imperial forces crushed by the nephew, the duke Hypatius, which was caught and imprisoned in Acres (Tirizis near Kaliakra head).  Quickly "and the knock - according to Victor from Tunun and John of Antioch - military units filled with people who Scythia and Thrace", raising the general mobilization hoste ad (the crowd) a peasant community and the urban population "50,000 warriors and rustic.  Lead them "occupied Thrace, Scythia and Moesia to Odessa (Varna) and Anchiallos (Anchial) proclamându the tyrant in those territories, Malalas after Ioannes, Ioannes Lydus and John of Antioch.
With secession, Vitalian and lasted a state of romanicilor, a first novel policy, bounded at the east mouth of the Danube River, south of Macedonia, to the west and Istria in the north of the Danube "(Iordanes).
In the context of conflict between Byzantium and paplitate "international recognition" came immediately, Pope Hormisdas giving him the title of Christian PRINCEPS and asking the population north Balkan listen "to his very pious prince and master Vitalianus, leader of the spear."  Law, as a true sovereign, he "took all the measures <<sciţi>> (dobrogeni - nn) and Moesia (North Balkan-nn), the castles and cities" so that "all he knew fear and worship as a king. "
The new state of affairs had recognized the king as Vitalian which started in the forefront of his army on Constantinople, reaching up to unbeaten Septimus, 7 km from town and from there through the struggle without losses to the so-called Golden Gateway (south gate raised by Theodosius the Great).  In this situation, to gain time, the emperor sent to negotiations on exconsulul Patricius, former master and protector of his Vitalian of 503, and so, after 8 days of negotiations, "and momit deceived by false vows and prefăcătoriile's Anastasius" who promised that all the claims he has renounced to attack Constantinople.  On the way back but was followed by a permanent body commissioned by the elite Cirillus, the emperor entrusted him, with the leadership of rebel provinces, the mission and kill them by surprise.  Attack took place near Odessa but eşuând, Cirillus was forced to retreat to the fortress.  By a stratagem, as Marcellinus Comes, or helped by locals who have opened their doors after Ioannes Malalas, Vitalian broke during the night in the fortress, masacrându them Byzantines.  Cirillus himself was killed by "hunul" Tyrrach mercenary (probably Turkish Romanian Danubian North, as the name would indicate, and that leads to think tyrageţi and Tyrras-Dniester) with a "knife getic" (cultro-getico = Sica).
Betrayal at the king made Vitalian to initiate a second campaign against Constantinople, this time at sea and on land.  While the fleet to enter the Bosfor, he reached the forefront of military land to field Systhene (Sosthenion today Sten in Rumelia, Turkey), where he received his peace Anasthasius.      He offered 900 pounds of gold Hypatius release, he promised the convocation of a synod that invited the pope, to resolve disputes that keep the dogma and take    recognized authority in the secessionist provinces, but not as the princeps, but the magister militum per Thracias.
Year 514 was conducted under the sign of status qou's Huns attack because the implantation of the Caucasus in Armenia, which blocked Empire armies and, on the one hand, the need for a respite Anasthasius, in order to prepare a viable plan of liquidation secesiunii and on the other, for Vitalian, to strengthen its sovereignty in the secessionist provinces.
In the summer of 515, taking preparations finally denounced the emperor and peace appointed magister militum per rufinus Thracias.  To his family, "indigenous" as is also his John Socrates Scythian, it can easily be found adherents among "people" who raised him on Vitalianus.  Moreover, with money, the emperor managed to buy some of his mercenaries Vitalian and to provide and support an "armed nomadic" (Euagrios Scolasticul). In reply, the prince "Romans" to run on Hyphatius after two years of captivity and triggered the start of autumn, the third campaign on water and land against Constantinople, without the same success but.  Although he broke into Sycal (Galata) and Anaplus, current suburbs of the city, was forced to abandon the siege in finding veştii that fleet was defeated by the Byzantine, ordered by Syrian and Marinus Iustin future king, that part of commanders were betrayed and that an "army nomad" moving against him (Euagrios Scolasticul).  As a result retired from Anchialos where the brothers asked for help to the north of the Danube.  A lot of riders Greeks (Romanians north-Danubian) accompanied by barbarians, crossed the river, and specify the sources listed at the end of 515 and 516 throughout the year, devastating raids executed in Macedonia and Thessalia and then reached up prădând to Termopyle and old Epir (Marcellinus Comes).  Situation remains unclear until 518 when, paradoxically, the death of Anastasios instead pecetluiască new state birth "Romanian" to win the Empire's cause, because the emperor gets a conaţional "'s Vitalian, Thracian-Roman Iustin I (518-527) relansând old tradition of the Eastern Empire as "noble Roman empire thracian" (V. Besevliev) and many of the "nation" with many cringe and stature "and join.  Targeting imperial throne and restoring the dream of unity old Roman Empire, Iustinian, grandson of the Iustin advised them to liquidate secesiunea through diplomacy.  Appointed magister militum praesentalis (Victor of Tunun) Vitalian made the mistake to accept and to go to Constantinople, with only a small suite, and tăindu contact bases.  "As you can juggle better, Iustin appointed early in 520 and consul, încredinţându her pregnancy negotiations with the pope (Victor of Tunun, Euagrios Scolasticul).  After only seven months but they had left most of its susţinătorilor that împăcaseră with the new situation, was attracted Vitalian "cunningly" to the palace and killed "with its accompanying Celerianus and Paulus" by a select group of conspirator Iustinian ( Marcellinus Comes).
Thus ended the first attempt to assert political state of "indigenous" and Romanian Christians, a "nation" which, for this century VI characteristic in etnogenezei, you can call the Romanians old.  Own end, then, in all the Romanian political enterprises - the liquidation of treason inside the opponent's own leaders and the inability to go through, without compromise, particularly on the road!
 7. Repression and collaboration with antibizantină "barbarians"
Restoring the unity of the Empire, Justinian, the last great emperor latinofon the old Roman tradition, has taken the restoration of destroyed cities and fortresses, the spiritual unity of the stock to the establishment, for all Romanians "the diocese first Justinian (535 ) and coercive measures.  It is just possible that Justinian should be performed first removal of the population latinofonă, protoromânească, the Danube, as reprisals, south of the line-Jireèek Philippide-Skokie, where memories armani their southern ancestors that lived in and around the river's cvasiidentice Kekaumenos, Constantin and Ioan Cantacuzino Porphyrogenetul: "They lived first on the river Danube and Saos, the river that now we call Sava, where live most recently Serbs, and reinforced in places difficult to reach.  Rely on it to have been sustained panting that friendship and are subject to the kingdom of the most recently Rome (Greek Byzantines = - nn) and exiting the succor of their plunder lands Rome.  Therefore, romeii, the anger, they turned against them and were crushed. And they, run there were still straggling in all Epirul and Macedonia and most of them were seated in Elada.  A similar tradition, existed until the early 70 century and in the Sinai peninsula, where a group islamizat claimed that the population "llah" (Vlachs, in ulaq turki) Christian Justinian made by the Danube, which last old spoke "llah" and was Christian-stingându in their tribe, at the end of XVIII century.
In the meantime, Imperial victoaria have to convert but in defeat. Vitalian call on military support both "Roman" from north of the Danube and the barbarians to come up new frontiers --    cutrigurii and Slavs.  Deliveries will continue destabilizând North Balkan provinces, causing contraofensiva, tragic end troops of General Chilbudios year 534. Support anti (wire) occurring in the maritime Danube 550, and "Romanians", sclavinii and will hibernate in cutrigurii Empire in the winter 550/551, 559 by devastând entire Balkan Peninsula.  Winners will make the crash kaganului Baian come in the same year and which eşuând trying to establish to the south of the Danube, they found a kaganat in Pannonia (567)
Still in contact in the northern Black Sea "Romanian" (Euagrios Scolasticul), Avars and Slavs, on the trailer tribes turki less powerful (cutriguri, onogunduri, anti etc..) Will organize the north of the river, raid after raid in Empire by the end of the VI century, occasioned, asserting military "nation" that we can call "protoromân, during these battles could be heard the expression," the mother tongue or native, "Torna, torna fratre.  And if the tradition still were "Romans" in the Byzantine army, recruited from south of the river, mostly alongside the north side will fight barbarians.  And this is the reality that we deplore in the last years of the century, Strategiconul his Maurikios (582-602): "The aşazişii refugees sent to show us the roads and to find someone, we must guard with harshness, that even the Romans They have taken time with this quality: they forgot their (the Byzantines - nn) and more half-hearted towards the enemy ... "Why this" quality "?  Not only because of socio-economic issues, fiscal corruption and oppressive imperial institutions, but also that "the Romans" feeling bizantinii simply because, and this is a major cause of ethnic Romanian închegării, ignored by historians, the Byzantine start Hellenize during the VI century, the process became irreversible in the VII-VIII centuries. latinitatii Unable preservation of traditions of the Roman Empire, the Eastern, the kingdom that gave them and the company latinofonă, true to Roman society separates, choosing alliance with the barbarians, which guarantees the traditional way of life against Byzantium Hellenize which provides the only imperial tax burden. Relationship with Romanians old migratory peoples, on a lower rung of development, which, tinzând to reach Constantinople and Rome after a temporary halt to the north of the river, they passed through the passage dobrogean the Balkan Peninsula, or through Pannonia in Italy, have followed an evolutionary course similar to the military fight a council of unions (Romans popular) to understanding the conclusion of a "contract".  Armed resistance of the Romanians is confirmed as archaeological discoveries, the name and type of weapons, items and tactical strategy inherited from the precursor and used by local and springs on the position of Vlachs or Romanians "in the confrontation huno-Germanic or avaro -Byzantine.  Similarly, in strictly defined areas, archeology attests coexistence "barbarians" with autohtonii "from which they borrowed, a modus vivendi education, knowledge, faith (Christian), etc.. And narrative sources suggest the conclusion, after consuming battle, a căpeteniile seminţiilor understanding between nomadic and sedentary autohtonii.  "Exit and sowing look - would be declared one of the heads Avars - we will take only half as putting" (Mihai Syrian).  Explanation is that, for Horseman whose mother was boundless horizon, people place the main wealth of the earth.  Because they were the ones who put him in the amount cultivându him.  They produced grain, honey and wine, vegetables and fruits, grows birds, animals large and small, they extracted salt, iron ore, gold and silver mines of the old Roman, they processed metals unsurpassed build tools, weapons and ornaments.  That is what they needed people constantly moving, non. In exchange for such goods as alleged pay (tribute) ride the warriors are engaged to defend Romanian communities sedentary against other migrants.  So had to regulate relations with local goţii, Huns, gepizii, Avars, Bulgarians, pecenegii, cumanii and Tartars.  For entirely different nature had to be but their relations with the Slavs and Magyars.  First, aşezându-in compact groups, since the year 602, in the decades of the century VII 5-8, south of the Danube, Romanian society has forced a perpetual resistance and the loss of land areas open to the north of replierea river or mountain defensible, where, gradually, will extend south to the Greek Islands archipelago (aromânii).  Hungarians, in turn, the Romanian population have dislocated the middle of the Danube and Tisza in the X century, most obliging people to seek protection belt of swampy Tisza and Western Carpathians or to the Adriatic replieze (istroromânii).  Turning point in the history of Romanians turn centuries IX and X mark the beginning of acceleration frământatei era, amid the wave resistance in Hungarian and fight against Byzantine domination, the process of unifying the state, the wide spaces, the Romanian territory, a process to end of which will appear as a state of self-standing on map of Europe, The Romanian: Transilvania (Valachia, Tran-Siuana, sec. X) "Empire" Asăneşilor (Vlahita which country's Asan) Vlahita Great Thessalia , the Etolia, Epir, Acarnania (XII th), Muntenia (Vlachia) Country Cărvunei later Dobruja (Alualak ") and Moldova (Valachia Minor) (XIV th).

See also:


 Stefan Pascu: A History of Transylvania

Chapter 3.



n. (Priscus Panites, an envoy of the Byzantine emperor to the "court of Attila," wrote that as he travelled north of the Danube he was able to communicate with the local populace, who spoke a language he called "Ausonic," a Romance language.)Much has been written about the statement of Priscus Panites, who travelled in the court of the Hunnish king Attila: ...the Scythians are a mixed people and besides their barbarian language, they try to speak the language of the Huns or of the Goths or of the Ausonians when some of them have to do with Romans. 60 

The editors of Fontes Historiae Dacoromanae state in the introduction that for us, the indication of Priscus that this language (Ausonian) served for the understanding with the Romans, and not with the Byzantine Greeks is sufficient. It was thus a Romance language, probably Latin spoken in the Romanized area of the Danube valley (the Moesia-s, the Dacia-s and Pannonia...) (p. VIII).

The reasoning is not quite logical, because the other two languages which the Scythians used, according to Priscus, in contacts with the Romans (Gothic and Hunnish) are not Romance languages. Moreover, Latin spoken south of the lower Danube in the 5th century was essentially not different from the Latin spoken in other areas of the Empire, there was in any case no need to designate it otherwise than simply Latin.

  Annuario. Istituto Romeno di cultura e ricerca umanistica 5 (2003), edited by Şerban Marin, Rudolf Dinu, Ion Bulei and Cristian Luca, Bucharest, 2004

The Lower Danube Frontier During the 4th-7th Centuries.A Notion’s Ambiguity  

 by Stelian Brezeanu,University of Bucharest

To the end of the period that we deal with, towards 580, when the crisis of the Danube frontier worries more than ever the Balkan populations, a citizen from Sirmium, menaced by the Avars, scratched awkwardly an invocation to God on a tile, saying that “Oh, God, save Romania!”[10] It is the supreme demonstration of the Roman and Christian values’ assimilation by the Balkan populations, which identified their own cause with the one of the entire Roman community, of the “common land”, that is Romania.

 Text at:


Bishops of Scythia

 Archbishops of Tomis

Metropolitans of Tomis

  • Paternus (519)
  • Valentinianus (550)
  • Aniketos (10-11th century)
  • Basil (10-11th century)

Timothy, known between participants of the III ecumenical council of Ephesus (431), where he signed the works of the council in position 170;
John, mentioned by contemporary Latin writer Marius Mercator, which reminds him that "he was one of the best theologians of the time and one of the most bitter opponents of Nestorianism;
Alexander is mentioned in seat in the year 449. He was involved in theological disputes of the time (due to Monophysitism) and has signed acts at the IV ecumenical council, and a year later, in 452;
Teotim II  is still in trouble caused by Monophysitism and was being recalled by the year 458;

Paternus is mentioned only in the second decade of the century VI (on a silver plated disc, rebuilt before the year 518). His name is linked to the Christological disputes of the time, caused by so-called "Scythian monks" who demanded that the Church accept their theological formula "one of the Trinity has suffered n Sfnta body. May mention and the fact that n the year 520 Bishop Paternus attended a local council held at Constantinople, during the election of a new patriarch with the title of "Metropolitan", which means that in Scythia there were more bishoprics (according to Notitii Bishops, notes Episcopatuum, published n 1891 by Carl from Boorem Byzantine and more recently, n 1981, the Frenchman Jean Darrouzes, in Scythia there were 14 seats) under the metropolitan jurisdiction of Tomisepiscop de Tomis.

 Color Photo

Dish of Bishop Paternus  Hermitage Museum
from the Village of Malaya Pereshchepina, Poltava Province
Byzantium, Constantinople. 498
Silver and gold; chased, engraved and gilded. Diam. 61 cm
Source of Entry:   Imperial Archaeological Commission, St Petersburg. 1914 

Paternus (498-520)— este primul şi singurul episcop de Tomis cunoscut sub titlul de episcopus metropolitanus. Această titulatură arată că, în timpul împăratului bizantin Anastasius, sub autoritatea episcopului Paternus din metropola tomitană se aflau alte episcopate mai noi, înfiinţate în unele centre importante de pe teritoriul Dobrogei. Numele lui Paternus este înscris pe un preţios disc de argint aurit (patena) ce face parte din marele tezaur descoperit în 1912 la Malaia perescepina (Ucraina), aflat azi la Muzeul Ermitaj din Petersburg (Dicţionar de istorie veche a României, Bucureşti, 1976.).an is the last known Bishop of Tomis, although Ion Barnea recently stated that would have been after him other bishops  like (Vasile and Anicetus).

Valentinian's name is linked to progress of work of the Fifth Ecumenical Synod (553), and the  correspondence with Pope Vigilius of Rome.
Ct concerns religious art monuments in Dobrogea, I must say that they can be DIVIDED into three categories: funerary inscriptions, objects of worship and basilicas.
Inscriptions. N NAP currently over 100 known inscriptions from the centuries of Christian IV to VI, n most of the funerary nature. Approximately one quarter of them are n Latin, Greek spoken n the rest of the population especially in urban centers on the Black Sea. Just ntlnite name more than one third are Greek, all the atte Latin, Bible Some earlier builds, one Gothic, two hunnish etc. May mention and the fact that Christians belong inscriptions mention n all social strata, their text is popular and exclusively Orthodox.
Paleo-Christian objects.Of these we mention: Gema from Constanta, with the inscription over (n version), which means Jesus Christ, Son of God Mntuitorul; disc called Paternus's already mentioned, the monogram X + P, with three pitchers Sfntului face Mina, commercial plumburi, lamps Christian (both objects avnd Christian inscriptions or symbols).

TOMIS was a titular metropolitan see in the Province of Scythia, on the Black Sea. It was a Greek colony from Miletus. In 29 B.C. the Romans captured the country from the Odryses, and annexed it as far as the Danube, under the name of Limes Scythicus. The city was afterwards included in the Province of Moesia, and, from the time of Diocletian, in Scythia Minor, of which it was the metropolis. In A.D. 10 Ovid was exiled thither by Augustus, and died there eight years later, celebrating the town of Tomi in his poems. Few places had so many Christian memories as this town, in the barbarous country of the Getae; e.g. Sts. Macrobius, Gordianus, and their companions, exiled to Scythia and slain in 319, venerated on 13 Sept.; Sts. Argeus, Narcissus, and Marcellinus, also slain under Licinius and venerated 2 Jan.; a great many others whose names only are known, and who are mentioned in the Roman Martyrology for 3 April, 20 June, 5 July, and 1 October.

  • The first bishop may have been Evangelicus, mentioned in the Acts of Sts. Epictetus and Action (8 July), and who must have lived at the end of the third century. Eusebius (De Vita Constantini, III, 7) mentions a Scythian bishop at Nicaea who may have belonged to Tomi. Mention should be made of St. Bretanion, martyred under Valens, and whose feast is observed 25 Jan.; Gerontius, at the Council of Constantinople, in 381; St. Theotimus, writer and friend of St. John Chrysostom, venerated 20 April; Timotheus, at Ephesus in 431; John, ecclesiastical writer, d. about 448; Alexander, at Chalcedon in 451; Theotimus II, in 458; Paternus, in 519; and Valentinian, in 550. The Province of Scythia formed a single diocese, that of Tomi, and autocephalous archdiocese, subject to the patriarch of Constantinople. It is mentioned in 640 in the Ecthesis of Pseudo-Epiphanius (Gelzer, "Ungedruckte . . . Texte der Notitiae episcopatuum", 535). Shortly afterwards the Bulgarians invaded the region and the Archdiocese of Tomi was suppressed. The city subsequently belonged to the Byzantines, again to the Bulgarians, then to the Turks, and finally to the Rumanians since the Treaty of Berlin in 1878. The town of Tomi is  Constantza, the capital of Dobroudja and a port on the Black Sea, which has about 15,000 inhabitants57.  
  •  Dish of Paternus, Bishop of Tomis (about 517-520). Silver and silver-gilt.
    Constantinople, about 518 but with later additions probably executed at Tomi.
    Leningrad^ Hermitage Museum.
  • Anastasian silver such as the ladle from Perm and Paternus' dish (Fig. 57)  both in Leningrad, tend to confirm the stylistic evidence offered by the Anastasian diptychs. 61 Both media show that the late antique style ends here, but it is also confirmed that there were still various currents of style at Constantinople from the time of Justinian, discernible in the earlier monumental sculpture. Thus the goatherd dish, which seems the result of a classical renovatio, contrasts with a dish decorated with a scene showing Aphrodite in the tent of Anchises (Fig. 56) in which a much freer, and more simplified Hellenistic style may be observed. 62 After the reign of Justinian, the small silver-gilt cross presented by Justin II (565-578) to Rome (Fig. 55),
  • the Stuma and Riha patens (Figs. 58 and 59), each with control
    stamps of the same Emperor Justin, give evidence of a third style, or series of styles, present at Constantinople. 63 The hunched stiff figures on the cross, the emphasis on pattern and line, the stylized faces and draperies which no longer convincingly mould the form suggest that, when it came to representing a religious subject, a convention of artistic approach was required which was different from the steady flow of Hellenistic reproduction.
  • The Stuma and Riha patens differ from each other in style; they have frequently been assigned to a Syrian workshop and it has been 








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